It’s a clear case, as Yogi Berra once said, of deja vu all over again.

Of course, Berra’s quip was his proud observation of repeated back-to-back home runs by Yankee greats Mickey Mantle and Roger Maris.

There’s no pride in experiencing deja vu all over again when it comes to Maine lawmakers not reporting state contracts that are awarded to their own companies.

In 2000, then-House Minority Leader Joseph Bruno was raked publicly over the coals after the Center for Public Integrity reported that state contracts had been awarded to Bruno’s pharmacy business and, worse, that he had crafted legislation that helped his own company.

The public pushed for stronger disclosure laws, but the Legislature failed to act.

So, here we are in that deja vu place of — once again — learning about hundreds of millions more dollars of unreported state contracts having been awarded to lawmakers and to those in their inner circles since the Bruno episode.

We’re not talking a little bit of money, either.

We’re talking about $235 million in unreported state contracts between 2003 and 2010 among legislative and executive branch leaders.

Imagine what the real dollar figure might be if we look at contracts awarded over a longer period, and if we consider millions more in contracts awarded to legislators who did not hold leadership positions.

Because, as hard as this is to believe, current Maine law requires only that lawmakers disclose direct purchases and direct income they or a family member receives. The law does not require disclosure if funds were paid to a lawmaker’s corporation, or to a corporation that employs a family member.

So, for example, if Rep. John Doe receives $10.7 million in salary from a state agency, he must report the income. However, if Rep. Doe’s corporation is paid $10.7 million for goods or services by state contract, he has no obligation to report that money, even if he pockets a substantial part of that payment as personal income.

This week, a number of Maine newspapers — including the Sun Journal — published an exhaustive investigation by the Maine Center for Public Interest Reporting that revealed, in great detail, how much public money was paid — but not disclosed in ethics filings — to organizations associated with lawmakers over the past eight years.

One of those lawmakers, Sen. Joseph Brannigan, D-Portland, was not required to report $98 million in contracts awarded to Shalom House, when he is employed as the executive director, because the money was not paid as his personal salary. It merely funded the agency where he works, and from which he draws his salary.

Shalom House is a well-respected Portland-based agency that provides services for people struggling with severe mental health issues, and it does good work. So, in keeping with that noble effort, doesn’t it make sense that full financial disclosure is the noble thing to do here?

It does.

Brannigan defended the unreported contracts, saying his work as executive director was well-known among his State House colleagues. “I’ve been here for a long time; I think everybody knew.”

He “thinks” everybody knew? Who is everybody?

His peers may have known (emphasis on “may have”), but did others seeking access to those same state contracts know? Did his constituents know? His clients? Every taxpayer?

“Everybody” could not possibly have known because Brannigan wasn’t required to report the contracts.

Talk about giving lawmakers a pass. And a nonpartisan one at that, since the disturbing — yet lawful — habit of nondisclosure has been equally practiced by Rs and Ds over the years.

It has to end. The current Legislature must do what the 2000 Legislature failed to do: When it comes to state contracts, require full financial disclosure in all things personal and corporate.

It’s the only true measure of accountability.

Anything less is a farce.

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The opinions expressed in this column reflect the views of the ownership and editorial board.