Spirits of a governor past not only charm but may possibly haunt the present.

John Baldacci. With the possible exception of his fellow Bangor celebrity, Stephen King, it’s the name that passes lips more often than any other Maine-based public figure. Not since the whirlwind days of Jim Longley have we had a governor who seems to have become such a frequent subject of daily conversation. Nor have we often had a governor whose approval rating seems to have become so beleaguered, below that achieved by over three-fourths of his present colleagues throughout the country according to one reputable survey. It is half that of our two U.S. senators according to another.

At the outset of his administration, Baldacci was both seemingly successful and popular, putting through a $5.6 billion bipartisan state budget, winning the support of over two-thirds of the Legislature in the process. His policy initiatives such as Dirigo Health and Pine Tree economic zones, also won wide initial acclaim. He vanquished a billion-dollar budget gap without a major tax increase. So far, so good.

But something else happened, even before the unpopular plan – from which he later wisely retreated – to sell off 16 years of future lottery proceeds in order to temporarily balance the budget. A shift began to occur over a year ago, on the heels of the debate centered on the outcome of the first Maine Municipal Association property tax relief referendum and in the run-up to the Palesky tax cut initiative. Early in 2004, an intense public focus on the perceived need for an Augusta initiated alternative to the citizen-based tax revolt put the governor on the spot. There developed a perception that the Blaine House was not able to captivate public and legislative support for meaningful tax reform alternatives.

Department of Health and Human Services shortfalls in 2003 didn’t seem to hurt the governor – after all, much of what happened there can be laid at the doorstep of federal accounting intricacies and a recently departed earlier administration. The more recent glitches in the state’s computerized delivery system may be another story. Some 7,000 health care agencies, including nearly every doctor’s office and health affiliated service in the state, have been thrown into a state of fiscal bewilderment by shortcomings in the Medicaid computers installed early this year. Just a few days ago, another computer pileup on state government’s information highway led to six-hour delays in Bureau of Motor Vehicle processing, resulting in lines almost that long at many of the l3 BMV branches throughout the state.

Thus, one of the dream achievements of the King regime – computerization – may be a nightmare of the Baldacci administration.

This brings us to the inevitable comparison with his most recent predecessor. What helped drive King’s popularity was his ability to avert undue personal confrontation with the legislative branch, an appearance of making the government work without working up unnecessary sweat. Baldacci, as the Maine governor who came to the office with greater legislative experience than any of his predecessors, was well-equipped to orchestrate results.

From a policy standpoint, both King and Baldacci have adhered to a vow to avoid major tax increases. Both support gay rights. Both oppose expansion of gambling. Both are flexible and pragmatic on many other issues. But spirits of a governor past not only charm but may possibly haunt the present. A major point of departure has been their positions with respect to labor. The most frequently used pen at King’s pump of veto ink was his rejection of such labor favorites as minimum wage increases and enhanced workers compensation benefits. King also attempted to slow the growth of wage and benefit packages for state employees.

Not so with Baldacci, who has signed into law measures giving Maine one of the highest minimum wages in the country, and who has simultaneously put into effect compensation increases, long-term retirement guarantees and increased insurance subsidies for state workers. Raising the eligibility floor for Medicaid benefits is another illustration of the present governor’s more expansive vision for the role of government. Like the sale of our future liquor store revenues and the deferral of maintenance of the state’s highways, bridges and park systems, the bill for nearly all these measures won’t come due until another term.

All of this is enough to make you wonder why he would want another term. But the governor’s zeal for elective office is also his greatest potential resource. Passion for a job, particularly where one of the chief qualifications is an intuition for leadership and an aptitude for what people want, can often make the difference when the State House granite, and institutions it sponsors, seem immovable.

Moreover, there may come a time when Maine people will recognize that some of the perils that our government faces may not be completely of the governor’s own making. A demographic giving us one of the highest percentages of elderly and disabled citizens in the country is the greatest source of stress on state government, though the generosity of our benefits is one reason why so many are here. As critical to his success as the conditions themselves may also be his sincere and devoted fashion of dealing with them. His hands-on empathy with recent Portsmouth and Brunswick naval workers is a recent example. He’s been a great ceremonial ombudsman.

If King, with his technology-driven proposals for both government management and laptops, is a cerebral leader, then it is Baldacci, the people person, who is a heart and soul that could well further express itself in ways that may be both popular and effective. Then again, it may not.

Time will tell.

Paul H. Mills is a Farmington attorney well known for his analyses and historical understanding of Maine’s political scene. He can be reached by e-mail: [email protected].