Ever since the French and Dutch voted against the European Union constitution a few weeks ago, there is much talk of a crisis in Europe. Last week, the summit of European heads of state failed to agree on an EU budget. In the United States, this has led some commentators to claim that Europeans are too liberal for their own good; others bemoan the end of the great European experiment in creating a peaceful international system.

From my position in the middle of Europe, these dire reactions seem overdone.

The European Union is a remarkable creation. After centuries of warfare and nationalist hatreds, most of Europe is now united in a powerful economic federation. Proud nations with long histories have given up their individual currencies for the euro. Workers and tourists move without restriction from Ireland to Greece, from Spain to Estonia.

The powerful economies of the great western European countries such as Great Britain, France and Germany, support the economic development of their much poorer eastern neighbors, which were formerly part of the Soviet Communist alliance. The most recent step has been to produce a draft constitution, which would explicitly regulate relations among the 25 EU nations.

Precisely these last two items have turned out to be very controversial. The votes in France and Holland were ostensibly about ratifying the constitution, but inevitably economic issues also influenced the negative votes. Only a tiny minority of voters could have read the draft constitution itself, which was hammered out in more than two years of negotiations in Brussels. It is long and complex, but the general drift is clear: more decision-making power would flow to the EU from the individual states in economic and monetary policy, in defense and foreign policy, and in justice.

Popular dissatisfaction due to the widespread feeling that the EU is an elite creation and not sufficiently democratic was behind the “no” campaigns in France and Holland. The current economic difficulties in Europe also provoked negative votes, as many voters expressed unhappiness with the recent expansion of the EU to 25 members: all of the newer members have per capita incomes far below those of western Europe. But the “no” votes also displayed the unpopularity of the current French and Dutch governments. Is this a crisis? Is the EU a dead end?

If I ignore the newspaper headlines and just look around me here during my final week in Berlin, I see no signs of crisis. The restaurants and cafs, which make my neighborhood so livable, are full. The public transportation system which makes having a car unnecessary is clean, comfortable and dependable. Crime is very low, unless one counts the number of people who let their dogs run without leashes, messing up the sidewalks. Despite constant complaints about declining financial support from the government, the cultural offerings are inexhaustible and constantly changing.

Although there is much higher unemployment than in the U.S., those without jobs are able to stay in their apartments, buy food, and live a worthy life.

Employed Germans typically enjoy six weeks of paid vacation. Cheap airlines offer one-way tickets across Europe for under $50. Most businesses, including the tiny shops, appear to be surviving, if not thriving. This is a society which works. The things which make city life exciting are here, while the disadvantages are kept to a minimum.

The EU will have to deal with significant issues in the coming years, involving major choices. If more funds are put into education and technology, then the agricultural subsidies which prop up local farmers will have to go; sometimes this is seen as a choice between the future and the past.

Possible further expansion is another critical choice. Bulgaria and Romania are on their way to full membership, another pair of poor countries which will require financial aid. Now that the Ukraine has a democratic government, it is a possible candidate. Turkey is pressing for membership, which would not only extend the EU outside of the traditional European borders, but also bring millions of Moslems into the predominantly Christian organization.

Foreign policy and relations with the U.S. are a final major issue. How will the EU deal with human rights crises in Africa, with the various hot spots in the Mideast, with the growing power of China? Will Europe become a major competitor of the U.S., going its own way, as it has done in environmental issues? Will Europe try to restrain American efforts to pursue an aggressive foreign policy, as was the case in the Iraq war? Will Europe be a broker between powerful America and the emerging countries of Africa and Asia?

These critical questions were not answered by the recent votes about the constitution, which only showed that there is major disagreement about the future of Europe. But there is no doubt that united Europe is here to stay, that the creation of this international organization of former enemies has promoted peace and prosperity, and that the EU is an experiment in international living without precedent in human history.

Tonight I ate Thai food served by a Turkish waitress. A Moldavian man played the accordion on the sidewalk. We are all trying to make a living in Germany, peacefully, not entirely understanding each other, but enriching each other’s lives. That is Europe today. Europe works, and Europeans have never been better off. I don’t see the crisis.

Steve Hochstadt lives in Lewiston and teaches history at Bates College. He has been temporarily teaching in Germany and will return this week. He can be reached at [email protected].